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Cake day: April 26th, 2022

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  • I guess it is more a thing of Western countries. Max Weber suggested that the Protestant Reformation, led to the belief that economic success was a sign of divine favor, legitimizing wealth inequality. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/The_Protestant_Ethic_and_the_Spirit_of_Capitalism

    In the case of the Soviet Union, Marxist-Leninist doctrine treated poverty as a product of class exploitation under capitalism rather than personal failure. Official discourse emphasized that unemployment, homelessness, and destitution were systemic features of bourgeois economies. Within Soviet society, this translated into a strong normative expectation that the state bore responsibility for guaranteeing employment, housing, and basic welfare. While in practice shortages and inequalities persisted, the cultural script did not legitimize blaming the poor; instead, marginalization was often interpreted as a failure of planning, bureaucracy, or remnants of pre-socialist class structures.

    A comparable ideological orientation can be found in the People’s Republic of China, particularly during the Maoist period. Under Mao Zedong, poverty was framed as the legacy of feudalism and imperialism. Campaigns such as land reform and collectivization were justified precisely on the premise that peasants were victims of structural oppression rather than agents of their own deprivation. Even in the post-1978 reform era, although market mechanisms reintroduced inequality, official rhetoric continues to stress “poverty alleviation” as a state-led responsibility, culminating in large-scale programs aimed at eradicating extreme poverty without moralizing the poor as individually culpable.





  • The car is a tool to move yourself and your family/friends from place A to place B. But James Bond, Batman, rap videos made a status symbol of it. They created a modern mythology around it.

    The transformation of the automobile from a means of transport into a luminous totem of status is a near-perfect case study of what Pierre Bourdieu theorised as the conversion and misrecognition of capital.

    Bourdieu argued that capital presents itself in three fundamental guises: economic capital (money, assets), cultural capital (knowledge, taste, credentials), and social capital (networks, group membership). These are not static silos; they are constantly converted into one another to legitimise and reproduce social hierarchies. The car, in its purest state, is merely objectified economic capital, a purchased good with a clear use-value: to move from A to B. But the moment it enters the cultural field, it is inscribed with meaning, and it becomes a vehicle for symbolic capital, which Bourdieu defined as the form the other capitals take when they are perceived and recognised as legitimate.

    https://archive.org/stream/bourdieu-the-forms-of-capital-1/Bourdieu The Forms of Capital-1_djvu.txt







  • The answer is actually “a mix of all three,” and it really depends on which conflict you’re looking at.

    For Afghanistan, it was exactly the first one: the only time Article 5, the “attack on one is an attack on all” clause, has ever been invoked. That happened after 9/11 and led directly to the NATO-led mission there.

    Yugoslavia in 1999 was a different beast entirely; that was NATO waging an air campaign without a UN Security Council mandate, operating far outside its traditional defensive boundaries to stop ethnic cleansing in Kosovo.

    When you look at Iraq in 2003, NATO as an organization sat it out, but the war was obviously started by key NATO members like the US and UK, and the alliance itself only stepped in later to help train Iraqi security forces.

    Finally, the 2011 Libya intervention was more of a formal NATO operation, but it fits the mold of an unofficial proxy war of sorts, as the alliance used a UN mandate to protect civilians as the basis for a bombing campaign that ultimately helped rebels overthrow Gaddafi